Book: The Wonder Weeks Science Regression Periods
Regression Periods in Human Infancy
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Note: This book can be sampled (roughly equivalent to text shown here) by anyone, and read in its entirety (if you have an account) at www.questiaschool.com. Make an advanced search, professional collection, for the title "Regression Periods in Human Infancy" or click here. Also: the Preface, Contributors and Chapter 1 are available as pdf-files at Mikael Heimann's university web site. Mirrored here. A substantial sampling is available for viewing at Google Books as well.
Be sure to read the definition of Regression Period in the Preface below.
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This book has grown out of a loosely formed European project, the intercultural study of infantile regression periods (ISIRP), with the aim to test if indicators of regression can be found at similar ages in a number of different countries and cultures. The idea that motivated this book was initially put forward by Frans X Plooij and Hedwig van de Rijt-Plooij who claimed that 10 periods of regression could be identified during the first 15 months of life, periods that they suspected to be biologically anchored and thus, valid across cultures—a finding that came to be viewed as both challenging and provoking by the scientific community. For the group behind this volume, the researchers in the ISIRP group, this idea created a renewed interest in processes of change in early infancy, and it became a necessity to both replicate and develop a coherent psychobiological theoretical understanding of the phenomenon. These common interests eventually lead to the suggestion of a book that addressed these issues and the first detailed plans were formed at one of the initial group meetings. This was at a symposium held at Göteborg University, Sweden on October 10-11, 1997 (The First Research Conference on Regression Periods in Early Infancy; chair: M. Heimann), a meeting used to discuss both replication studies and current theoretical issues. More specifically, preliminary versions of four papers included in this book were discussed (chapters 2, 4, 5, and 8).
Before a more detailed description of the book and its content is presented, a word of caution is warranted: The term regression might be confusing to some readers because of the many different connotations it has. To prevent confusion, the reader is advised to forget these connotations. The term is used here in a very restricted sense, in that it only refers to the return to a high frequency of mother–infant contact, characteristic of the earliest period, and the phenomenon regression period is positive in the sense that it announces progress. It is this understanding of the term that is used throughout this volume—a volume that can be seen as organized in three different parts.
Part I is made up of chapters 1 to 4 of which the first is a brief introduction that presents some more detailed background regarding how to understand the term regression periods. Next, chapters 2, 3, and 4 present studies from Spain (Sadurni, & Rostan), England (Woolmore & Richer) and Sweden (Lindahl, Heimann, & Ullstadius). These replication studies form the core of this book and can even be said to constitute the central motivation for putting the book together. They were all part of the ISIRP group, the aim being to test if similar indicators of regression where to be found at the same ages in a various countries and cultures. Efforts were made to match those procedures used in the original Dutch study (see van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992, 1993) although cultural variations also created important differences between the studies. Some studies, like the Spanish study (chap. 2), almost exactly replicate the original Dutch findings, whereas others (e.g., the Swedish study, chap. 4) can be said to replicate the findings on a general level with differences when it comes to details. However, taken together, chapter 2 to 4 present evidence in favor of the existence of several specific regression periods during a child's first 15 months.
Part II of the book (chaps. 5-7) consists of three chapters authored by Frans X. Plooij together with Hedwig H. C. van de Rijt-Plooij and colleagues. These chapters encompass further in-depth studies and analyses that broaden our understanding of how the regression periods affects early developmental processes. In chapter 5 Plooij and van de Rijt-Plooij discuss different kinds of noise in the dataset and possible consequences of not adequately dealing with such influences. Important findings might be overseen if factors influencing the data are not adhered to. They especially focus on factors that might be difficult to control for (e.g., extremely strict regimes in caring for the young infants or concealed mental illness in the mother). Factors like these exert strong influence and might, according to the authors, conceal the expected regression periods. Among other issues, this chapter re-analyses data previously published by others (see Weerth & van Geert, 1998) claiming that the dataset supports different conclusions when noise factors are sorted out.
Chapter 6 (by Plooij, van de Rijt-Plooij, van der Stelt, van Es, & Helmers) expands our understanding regarding the regression phenomenon by investigating the complex interactions between the 10 regression periods and the CNS-immune system. More specifically, the chapter explores the hypothesis that the distribution of illnesses over development should be nonlinear and display a multimodal distribution during the first 20 months of life—an idea that is also partly confirmed by the analysis. Peaks in illnesses and regression periods seem to be linked, although the exact mechanism behind this finding is largely unknown. The last of the three chapters in Part II of the book (chap. 7) presents a report on a possible link between early regression periods and a negative developmental outcome. More specifically, the chapter discusses data that indicate a connection between the Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) and observed regression periods. In summary, the authors claim that the frequency distribution of the number of SIDS victims over age shows a multimodal distribution for girls, not for boys. At present, we have no good explanation for this effect. This is clearly an observation that warrants further study.
The final chapters (Part III of the book: chaps. 8 & 9) tackle more theoretical issues. In chapter 8, Trevarthen and Aitken present an impressive review of current developmental data from several fields: embryology, genetics, psychobiology, and developmental psychology. Their integrative attempt contrasts modern dynamic systems theory with a more traditional biological view of "intrinsically regulated development in an organism". The outcome of this comparison and discussion will probably be surprising to some people. It is not automatically so that a "modern" theory always provides a better answer than a "traditional" one. Trevarthen and Aitken define their starting point in the following way: "In short, we ask what kind of biological theory, at what level of organismic self-regulation, do we need to understand what infants do, how they conceive and care about their world, and how they change themselves and their world." In understanding how the infant becomes an active agent in the world they propose that we are born with a system they call IMF (Intrinsic Motive Formation). This system is part of how the immature central nervous system works and has an important regulative function. Moreover, they also suggest that the regression periods that are the core objects of study in this volume might be better thought of as Periods o f Rapid Change (PRCs).
Finally, in chapter 9, Frans X. Plooij presents an integrative view of the book, as well as an in depth theoretical discussion based on the observations presented in this volume. The title of this last chapter reflects this integration; "The Trilogy of Mind" refers to the need of adhering to motivational processes based on thinking, feeling, and desires (or cognition, affection, and conation). This is discussed within a framework largely based on Power's (1973) hierarchical perceptual control theory. In this view, it becomes possible to include gene controlled processes with individual development and early interactional experiences.
It is my hope that the picture created by this volume will help to broaden our knowledge regarding phases of change or instability during early infancy. There seems to be more such phases than previously believed. However, the evidence put forward here is far from final. As becomes obvious when reading the chapters, there are still many unanswered questions. But this fact does not preclude a conclusion saying, based on our current evidence, that regression periods ought to be considered as a real phenomenon and dealt with accordingly whenever developmental processes in infancy are discussed. The reader should read each chapter and judge the data presented, as well as the arguments put forward. Hopefully, the reader will reach a conclusion similar to that put forth herein.
Mikael Heimann
Dr. Kenneth Aitken is a lead clinician developing the Child and Adolescent Learning Disability-Mental Health Service for Glasgow. He has particular clinical and research interests in infant development, neurodevelopmental disorders, the autistic spectrum, and ADHD. He has published widely in the area of developmental psychopathology. He is a past director of the Association for Child Psychology and Psychiatry.
Mikael Heimann (PhD, 1988, Pennsylvania State University) is a professor of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, University of Bergen, Norway, and head of the Regional Competence Centre for Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Bergen, Norway. His research focuses on infant cognition, and early social and communicative development as well as developmental psychopathology.
Roelof Helmers received his PhD in Mathematics at Leiden University in 1978. He is currently a senior researcher in statistics at the Centre for Mathematics and Computer Science (CWI), Amsterdam and his research interests include asymptotic and computer intensive methods in statistics.
Lisbeth B. Lindahl (PhD, 1998, Göteborg University, Sweden) has been carrying out research within both early education and developmental psychology. One of her main interests has been the early development of mother—infant interactions and her thesis focused on these issues (regression periods as well as early gender differences). Formerly an assistant professor of Psychology at Göteborg University, Sweden, she is now a senior researcher within the field of social welfare at GR (the Göteborg Region Association of Local Authorities), Sweden.
Frans X. Plooij (PhD, 1980, University of Groningen, the Netherlands) worked with Jane Goodall in the Gombe National Park, Tanzania, East Africa, on infant development in free-living chimpanzees; with Robert Hinde in the MRC unit on the Development and Integration of Behaviour, University Subdepartment of Animal Behaviour in Madingley, Cambridge, England; as a researcher at the department of Developmental Psychology, University of Nijmegen, the Netherlands, studying human mother—baby interaction in the home environment; as head of the department of Research and Development at an institute of Child Studies of the City of Amsterdam; and as professor at the Department of Developmental and Experimental Clinical Psychology, University of Groningen. Now he is director of the International Research Institute on Infant Studies at Arnhem, the Netherlands, and director of Kiddy World Promotions B.V., a consultancy serving companies producing any products related to children.
John Richer, PhD, (Oxford University, England) is a Clinical Psychologist in Paediatrics at John Radcliffe Hospital, Oxford, where he tries to combine science and intuition to understand and help the families who come to him. His interests include autism, hyperactivity, nutrition and behavior, behavior problems, the rise of psychosocial problems in modern societies, and consciousness and ethological approaches to children's behavior.
Carlos Rostan, PhD, is a biologist and associate professor at the Department of Psychology at the University of Girona (Spain). He is staff member of the Research Unity on Child and Adolescent Development and Family Support, and of the Institute of Research on Quality of Life. He is investigating diverse areas such as vulnerable periods on early infancy, parenting practices, and resiliency factors.
Marta Sadurní, PhD, is a permanent lecturer at the Department of Psychology and Director of the Research Unity on Child and Adolescent Development and Family Support at the University of Girona (Spain). Her main scientific interest is to understand the complex and integrated processes of human development. Her current research focuses on the transitional changes in infancy and the analysis of risk and protective factors on the lives of children and youth and their effects in the quality of development.
Colwyn Trevarthen, a New Zealander, is Professor (Emeritus) of Child Psychology and Psychobiology in the Department of Psychology of the University of Edinburgh, where he has taught since 1971. A biologist and psychologist, Trevarthen has published on neuropsychology, brain development and, in the last 30 years, on communication in infancy. Professor Trevarthen has an Honorary Doctorate in Psychology from the University of Crete, and he has been elected Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh and Member of the Norwegian Academy of Sciences and Letters.
Eva Ullstadius, PhD, (Göteborg University, Sweden, 1998) is senior lecturer, Department of Education, Göteborg University, Sweden. Her research interests include developmental psychology, infant communication, early education, and children with autism. Her current project is creative art and children with autism
Hedwig van de Rijt-Plooij (PhD, 1982, University of Cambridge, England) studied infant development in free-living chimpanzees with Jane Goodall in the Gombe National Park, Tanzania, East Africa, and with Robert Hinde in the MRC unit on the Development and Integration of Behaviour, University Subdepartment of Animal Behaviour, Madingley, Cambridge, England. She worked in an institute for the mentally handicapped. At the University of Amsterdam she studied the development of human babies in their home situations through direct observations and in-depth interviews with their mothers. She designed a parental support and education program named Leaping hurdles, and published a scientific evaluation study on this program. She currently writes parenting books.
Jeannette M. van der Stelt was trained as a speech therapist. She graduated in 1977 in Special Education at the University of Amsterdam. As staff member of the Institute of Phonetic Sciences she has published on early speech development since 1979. Her thesis (1993) presents a sensorimotor approach of the mother—infant system in its development toward speech. Presently, her research focuses on precursors of communicative disorders, early diagnosis, and early intervention (0-24 months).
Bert van Es (PhD, 1988, University of Amsterdam) is an Associate Professor at the Korteweg-de Vries Institute for Mathematics of the University of Amsterdam. His research focuses on mathematical statistics, in particular nonparametric statistics, functional estimation, and inverse problems.
Ashley Woolmore completed his undergraduate degree at Reading University, UK (1994) and his PhD at Oxford University (1998). During his time there he became interested in ethological models and collaborated with Dr. John Richer on the study of regression periods and the impact of maternal postnatal depression. Dr. Woolmore is currently working at Milton Keynes General Hospital, UK.
Regression Periods in Human Infancy: An Introduction
by Mikael Heimann, University of Bergen
The regression phenomenon discussed in this book is, evolutionarily speaking, probably very old and has been observed among humans, primates, and nonprimate mammals. Horwich (1974)reported specific regressive periods (peaks in nipple contact among 12 species of monkey) in primate behavioral development and also indicated that these peaks occur at similar times in development and become less pronounced as the infant develops. Regression, according to Horwich, specifically refers to the return to a high frequency of mother—infant contact, characteristic of the earliest period, and is supposed to rest on graded emotional states of insecurity. Later, van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij (1987)expanded Horwich's findings when they reported they had found regression periods when studying free-ranging chimpanzees. Before each "leap" in independence, when a sharp decrease in mother—infant body contact was found, a regression period occurred followed by a period of mother—infant conflict over body contact. Regression was expressed, first, in a temporary shift back to mainly staying closer to mother, and, second, in a temporary increase in the amount of ventro-ventral contact.
Next, van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij (1992)studied human infants and found 10 regression periods in the first 20 months of life. The data, based on questionnaires and weekly interviews, revealed an impressive consensus in the mother—baby pairs on the ages around which the baby shows regressive behavior and is experienced as "more difficult." These difficult time periods occurred around weeks 5,8, 12,17,26,36,44,51-53, 61-62, and 72-73 (van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992; see Fig. 1.1); these observations were validated by direct observation on mother—infant contact in two homes.
Furthermore, van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij (1993)found that, just like in chimpanzees, increases in conflict were associated with the observed regression periods also in humans. Mother's reaction to regressive behavior consisted of three mutually exclusive forms: Annoyance, Promoting Progress, and Clashes. Annoyance was typical for parents of small babies, Promoting Progress was predominant in the second half of the first year, and Clashes were observed from 6 months onward. All three reflect conflict of interests between mother and baby that were clustered in distinct periods, which shortly followed the regression periods (see van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1993).
McKenna (1979)concluded that "the concepts of socialization and attachment, traditionally the pivotal theories around which mother-infant relationships are explained, need to be reexamined with respect to underlying neurological mechanisms that may govern these phenomena at particular points in ontogeny" (p. 284). Several observations have been made showing strong links between changes in behavior and intrinsic changes in the baby's brain (see Fisher, 1998; Fischer & Rose, 1994; Mende, Wermke, Schindler, Wilzopolski, & H6ck, 1990; Wermke & Mende, 1993; Surbey, 1998; Trevarthen, & Aitken, chap. 8 in this vol.). These findings indicate a central role for regression periods in the psychological development of the human baby. On the one hand, there is the temporal link with brain changes. On the other hand, each regression period signals forthcoming periods of developmental advance and the emergence of an array of new skills as a consequence of parent—infant conflict and renegotiations of old privileges, and might be linked to increased risk of pathology. Because brain changes are not directly observable and the emergence of new skills shows tremendous individual differences (Rosenblith, 1992, pp. 311-320), the age-specific regression periods found by the Dutch team (van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij)stand out as unique hallmarks to direct a study of developmental change.
It is an obvious statement to add that the basic idea discussed in this book is an old one. The relation between regression (or disorganization) on the one hand and progression (or reorganization) on the other hand has been considered for almost a century by scientists from various backgrounds (e.g., Bever, 1982; Kortlandt,1955; Kozulin,1990; Mahler, Pine & Bergman, 1975; McGraw, 1945/1974; Mounoud,1976; Peterfreund,1971; Schore, 1997; Scott, 1986; Smotherman & Robinson, 1990; Thelen, 1989; Werner, 1948). Playing such a central role, regression periods deserve further study. Horwich (1974)concluded that "although the precise occurrence of regressive periods may be determined by individual genetic variations, it is obvious that species and subspecies genetic variation, gender, and environmental conditions have an effect on the emotional state of the individual and presumably also on these regressive periods" (p. 147). Having documented species genetic variation already and with Horwich's statement in mind, the following four questions were found to be of central importance:
- Can the phenomenon of regression periods as found by van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij (1992) be replicated in other countries and cultures\
- What environmental conditions have an effect on these regression periods and how\
- Are there physical conditions in infants that show a nonlinear distribution over age similar to regression periods\
- Have brain changes been detected since the review of Fischer and Rose (1994) at other ages than the six reported by them, and, if yes, how do these relate to the ages at which regression periods are found\
The remaining chapters tackle these questions. The first one, that of replication, is addressed by the first part of the book (chaps. 2, 3, & 4) while questions number two and three are addressed by chapters 5 to 7. They deal with various environmental conditions and other factors that might influence the regression periods (e.g., depression, rigid feeding schemas and SIDS). Finally, chapters 8 and 9 take on the fourth question. In chapter 8 the literature of the last 10 years on age-specific brain changes is reviewed and new theoretical insights suggested, and in chapter 9, conclusions are drawn, suggestions for future research are made, and models of the processes underlying the regression phenomenon are discussed.
The replication studies form a central unit of this book in that they present supporting observations from three independent research groups. Efforts were made to create a situation in which the procedures of subject selection and observation in each country closely matched those used in the original Dutch study (van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992, 1993). All three studies also used similar criteria for deciding when a regression period had occurred and similar coding criteria (reliability becomes a critical factor in studies based on intense longitudinal data collection from single subjects). However, the reader will note that the studies carried out in Sweden, Spain, and England also differ in how they were actually carried out. Variations occurred as a result of differences in resources (e.g., funding), of necessary cultural adaptations, and as an effect of some slightly different focus in some of the specific research questions asked. Despite these variations, all three studies come up with similar conclusions in that they favor van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij's hypothesis.
It is my view that the observations presented throughout the book provide good support for the fact that up to 10 regression periods might exist during the first 15 months of life. However, it is also a fact that this book leaves out important issues for further studies to explore and discuss. It is, for instance, still an open question how the regression periods discussed in this volume might influence later psychopathology, the early attachment formation process and early emerging cognitive capacities (e.g., imitation; see Heimann, 2001, 2002). Furthermore, we also lack detailed knowledge on how these periods might be affected by individual differences or modulated over time by temperament and by the early parent-infant relationship. Nevertheless, the rest of the book will provide us with observations and theoretical formulations that ought to be taken seriously by anyone interested in understanding development in the infancy period.
FIG.1.1 Regressive periods during infant development. (A.) The pairs of solid, horizontal bars stand for regressive periods. The top bars represent weeks experienced as difficult by the mother. The bottom bars represent concrete regressive infant-behaviors as reported by the mothers. The hatched bars stand for weeks when an infant was not observed. The dotted bars around 30 weeks represent the `checking back pattern' as reported by Mahler et al. (1975, p. 55). This behavior was new and not regressive. (B.) The percentage of mothers that reported concrete, regressive infant behaviors over age. From "Infantile regressions: Disorganization and the onset of Transition periods," by H. H. C. van de Rijt-Plooij and F. X. Plooij, 1992, Journal of Reproductive and Infant Psychology, 40. Copyright ©1992 by Taylor & Francis, LTD. Reprinted by kind permission of Taylor & Francis, LTD.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Support for organizing the first meeting in Göteborg, Sweden, in 1997 and for the initial work behind this book has been provided by the Swedish Council for Research in the Humanities and the Social Sciences (grant # F709/94 to M Heimann), Stockholm, Sweden. In addition, substantial support for writing the chapter and the final editorial work was provided by the Regional Centre for Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Bergen, Norway.
REFERENCES (omitted)
Reflections on Regression Periods in the Development of Catalan Infants
by Maria Sadurní and Carlos Rostan, University of Girona
This chapter is part of a wider research project focused on the study and analysis of mechanisms and processes underlying sociocognitive development in the first 3 years of life. Children continually evolve and develop in a process that at first would appear to be gradual. Observation of any capacity or ability would, hopefully, find a continuous and increasing develop mental curve. Traditionally, the processes of development have been viewed as a succession of structural and functional levels that assume a homogenous basis underlying the manifest heterogeneity. In this sense, development is both continuous and discrete, characterized by a constant addition of new dimensions belonging to the same organizational structure. One example is the growth of vocabulary from the second year onward. However, development is also characterized by dramatic transitions affecting wide behavioral dimensions. In accordance with Werner, transitions can be defined by the emergence of behavioral forms that are not reducible to extant forms, as well as by the absence of intermediary forms. In the case of language, following from the previous example, the step from gestural communication to word use can be seen as a qualitative change. In other words, the transition represents a discontinuous, qualitative leap in the organization and manifestation of a child's abilities and competencies.
Detecting Infant Regression Periods: Weak Signals in a Noisy Environment
by Ashley Woolmore, Warneford Hospital and John Richer, Oxford Radcliffe Hospital
In 1992, van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij reported observation and questionnaire/interview data indicating the existence of 10 regression periods in the first 17 months of life for full-term normal infants from intact families. These periods started at almost the same gestational age in all the infants studied.
Drawing on perceptual control theory (Powers, 1997), van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij argued that these periods mark times of brain reorganization. At the end of each period, the baby is capable of new understanding, even though the skills that flow from that understanding may not appear immediately.
De Weerth and van Geert (1998) challenged the existence of strictly timed regression periods. Their study, which followed four mother-infant dyads, was the first publicized replication of the work of van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij and failed to support the original findings. However, an increasing number of researchers are providing empirical support for their findings (chaps. 2, 4, & 5, this vol.). This has led to some debate about frequency and timing of the regression periods (e.g., Cools, 1998, de Weerth, 1998; de Weerth & van Geert, 1998; Plooij, 1998).
Occurrence of Regressive Periods in the Normal Development of Swedish Infants
by Lisbeth B. Lindahl, Göteborg University, Mikael Heimann, University of Bergen and Eva Ullstadius, Göteborg University
Time is nature's way of preventing everything from happening at once …
—Philip Booth (1976)
Previous findings indicate the existence of several regression periods linked to developmental transitions within the infancy period (e.g., from birth to 15 months), but no consensus exists concerning how many periods are to be expected (Sever, 1982; Fischer, 1987; van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992). The standard psychological literature usually reports only three periods centered around the ages of 2, 7, and 12 months (Plooij & van de Rijt-Plooij, 1989; Fischer, 1987), whereas in contrast, van de Rijt-Plooij and Plooij (1992) found evidence for nine regression periods during the infancy period (at 4–5, 7–9, 11–12, 14–19, 22–26, 32–37, 40–46, 49–52, and 61–64 weeks of age). These results, based on detailed observations of both free living chimpanzees and human infants, cast serious doubt on the current understanding of early infant development. Thus, these findings need to be replicated and extended in order to substantiate the existence of such regression periods and to specify their frequency and timing. The purpose of the present
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The Effects of Sources of "Noise" on Direct Observation Measures of Regression Periods: Case Studies of Four Infants' Adaptations to Special Parental Conditions
by Frans X. Plooij and Hedwig H. C. van de Rijt-Plooij, International Research Institute on Infant Studies
Horwich (1974) already concluded that “although the precise occurrence of regressive periods may be determined by individual genetic variations, it is obvious that species and subspecies genetic variation, gender, and environmental conditions have an effect on the emotional state of the individual and presumably also on these regressive periods” (p. 146).
In the original study, 10 regression periods were reported in the first 20 months of human babies (van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992, 1993). The point was to understand normal development before venturing into understanding pathology. The group was very homogeneous. This may have helped to find the regression periods where others failed. A very strict selection procedure was followed to find absolutely problem-free and healthy families where father and mother were married and both parents looked forward to having the baby. The mothers had no previous medical or psychological problems, intended to look after the baby themselves, were financially secure, and had an extended support system (family living in the same part of town) and free-of-charge access to the baby "consultation bureau" (a kind of guidance clinic).
Illness Peaks During Infancy and Regression Periods
by Frans X. Plooij and Hedwig H. C. van de Rijt-Plooij, International Research Institute on Infant Studies; Jeannette M. van der Stelt and Bert van Es, University of Amsterdam; Roelof Helmers, Centre for Mathematics and Computer Science
As long ago as 1935, Walter Cannon suggested that the normal experiences of life—such as the onset of puberty, fatigue, and everyday worry—all make a physical impression on the body. He observed that “the whole gamut of human diseases might be studied from this point of view” (p. 14). Since then, researchers have learned that ill-health is preceded by a high level of psychosocial transitions, or “life events, ” especially if these events are perceived as “negative” (Helman, 1990, p. 252). The psychosocial transitions most likely to cause stress are those that take place over a relatively short period of time, are lasting in their effects, and affect many of the assumptions that people make about their worlds (Parkes, 1971). Considerable evidence is accumulating that demonstrates a relation between immune function and behavioral states, such as object loss or depression in adults (Schleifer, Scott, Stein, & Keller, 1986). Investigations on the immune system in young children
Multimodal Distribution of SIDS and Regression Periods
by Frans X. Plooij and Hedwig H. C. van de Rijt-Plooij, International Research Institute on Infant Studies; Roelof Helmers, Centre for Mathematics and Computer Science
Galef (1981) predicted periods of vulnerability based on his comparative evolutionary perspective on mammalian parent-infant relationships. He compared mammalian infants with parasites, who lose some structural and functional integrity once attached to a host. For human infants, this implies that once they begin to engage, or rather, re-engage with their mother, they also lose some of their structural and physiological integrity because they become increasingly dependent on the nature and timing of her care (see Field, 1985; Trevarthen & Aitken, chap. 8, this vol.) while simultaneously losing reflexive behaviors to higher brain (labile) behaviors as their development proceeds. So, they become vulnerable to neurological control system errors, especially during early, critical transitions or developmental shifts.
McKenna (1990b) argued that the shift from reflexive to speech breathing is such a vulnerable period and there is some connection with the sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). At around 2 months of age, the infant begins to be able to switch back and forth between voluntary and involuntary, or automatic, breathing (McKenna, 1990b). Between 2 and 4 months after birth, a shared brain stem-cortical breathing control neces
Regulation of Brain Development and Age-Related Changes in Infants' Motives: The Developmental Function of Regressive Periods
by Colwyn Trevarthen, University of Edinburgh and Kenneth Aitken, Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinic
The doctrine which I am maintaining is that the whole concept of materialism only applies to very abstract entities, the products of logical discernment. The concrete enduring entities are organisms, so that the plan of the whole influences the very characters of the various subordinate organisms which enter into it. In the case of an animal, the mental states enter into the plan of the total organism and thus modify the plans of successive subordinate organisms until the ultimate smallest organism, such as electrons, are reached.
There are thus two sides to the machinery involved in the development of nature. On the one side there is a given environment with organisms adapting themselves to it…. The other side of the evolutionary machinery, the neglected side, is expressed by the word creativeness. The organisms can create their own environment. For this purpose the single organism is almost helpless. The adequate forces require societies of cooperating organisms. But with such cooperation and in proportion to the effort put forward, the environment has a plasticity which alters the whole ethical aspect of evolution.
—A. N. Whitehead, Science and the Modern World (1925)
by Frans X. Plooij, International Research Institute on Infant Studies
The studies in Spain, England, and Sweden (chaps. 2–4, this vol.) have shown that the phenomenon of age-related regression periods can be replicated in other countries and cultures. Multimodal distributions in other phenomena (e.g., illness and SIDS) are also quite likely to exist, with peaks around the same ages as those of the regression periods (chaps. 6 and 7, this vol.).
The evidence presented herein provides good support for the claim that age-related regression periods exist, and for the conclusion that their existence should be taken into account whenever developmental processes in infancy are discussed.
Some people might think that the number of regression periods found in the original study (van de Rijt-Plooij & Plooij, 1992; 10 in the first 20 months of life) is high and this is unexpected and difficult to explain. Admittedly, so many regression periods were not expected and the findings came as a surprise. However, the data were firm, and they have been replicated.
Intrinsic changes must be going on at times when infants are so grumpy, difficult in temperament, demanding of parental attention, and vulnerable. Chapter 8 (this vol.) has shown evidence that age-related brain developments are at the core of at least some of these intrinsic changes in motivation, but, of course, no single anatomical or physiological event can explain any such change—there is a complex interplay between the central nervous system, the immune system, and the
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Ascher, H., 92, 94
Ash, A. J., 42, 55, 197, 203
Aslin, R. N., 145, 149, 151, 153, 168, 173
Atkinson, J., 145, 151, 168, 170
Auerbach, B., 128, 175
Aurelius, G., 147, 174
Autret-Leca, E., 105, 106
B
Bachevalier, J, 139, 158, 159, 160, 178
Baddeley, A., 155, 168
Baillargeon, R., 153, 154, 168
Bakeman, R., 157, 168
Bandler, R., 119, 132, 136, 139, 164, 174
Banks, M. S., 145, 169
Barbe, M. E, 133, 169
Barbeillon, E, 105, 106
Bard, K. A., 161, 162, 169, 176, 180, 183
Barkovich, A., 141, 169
Barois, A., 99, 106
Barron, G. T., 200, 204
Bates, E., 42, 54, 114, 159, 169, 184, 188, 192, 202
Bateson, M. C., 112, 114, 169
Bay, H., 93, 94
Bayer S. A., 122, 126, 169
Beazley, L, 133, 176
Beebe, B., 112, 113, 169, 175, 181
Beeghly-Smith, M., 114, 170
Bekkedal, M., 115, 178
Bekoff, M., 164, 169
Bell, M. A, 143, 169
Benes, E, 123, 135, 170
Bennett, S. L., 113, 181
Benowitz, L. L, 130, 170
Berger, A., 151, 170
Berger, B., 123, 135, 170, 183
Bergman, A., 3, 5, 65, 66, 70, 79
A
Affective neuroscience, 109, 190
Age related events, see also Regression periods, 108, 113, 185, 187, 191
Attachment, 115, 119, 120
in other species, 161
Attachment disorder, see Illness study
Attention, see Motive theory
B
Babbling, see Perception, development of speech
Brain development,
prenatal, 122, 125–135
cell death, 130–131
cerebral development, 132–135
embryology, 126–135
genetics, 127–129, 192
neuronal development, 129–130
postnatal, 135–140
alteroception, 136
emotions, 137–138
exteroception, 136
the newborn, 135–138
prefrontal cortex, 138
proprioception, 136
the first year, 140–144
EEC, 143
head circumference, 141
myelinization, 141
synaptogenesis, 142
Biodynamical systems, 165–167
Bootstrap method, see Methodology, kernel density estimator
C
Cognitive development, see also Memory, 148–159, 160–162
attention, see also Motive theory, 151
categories, 152
concepts, 153–154
core concepts, 151
delayed imitation, 158
DNMS, 158
face recognition, 152, 154
memory, 152, 155, 158, 189
in monkeys and chimpanzees, 160–162
spatial relations, 155–156
Communication, 112–116, 162
in monkeys and chimpanzees, 162
Companionship, 115, 118, 120
Connectionism, 192
Cultural learning, 114
D
Delayed imitation, see Imitation
